Suchergebnisse

Three major questions are asked in this research regarding women's representation in municipal government in Ontario: Why are there fewer women than men involved in Canadian politics? What factors contribute to this? Do the motivations for running for political office differ between males and females? These questions were answered by first providing a literature review on the relevant literature on women in Canadian politics. A historical look was then taken at women's representation in municipal government in Ontario to decipher if this had an effect on why fewer women run for municipal office in Ontario. Women's representation in municipal government in Ontario was then observed through analyzing statistics provided for the 1980-1988 municipal elections in Ontario. Generally women's representation increased during the 1980-1988 period, although at the end of the period, there was not a high percentage of women's representation. Interviews were then conducted with people had been involved in politics at the municipal level in Essex County in the past or were currently involved. The following conclusions can be drawn from this research. Women had a later start becoming involved in politics in Ontario and thus their representation in politics has been delayed. Once females had the opportunity to vote and run for elections they had female colleagues, which acted as an inhibiting factor for women running for politics. A lot of negative imagery surrounded women in the political arena from the media and society. Women were seen as electoral liabilities and not seen as serious politicians. The way in which women were socialized also acted as a deterrent for women to become involved in politics. Women were often fully in charge of child rearing responsibilities which did not allow them any extra time to become involved in politics. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)Dept. of History, Philosophy, and Political Science. Paper copy at Leddy Library: Theses & Major Papers - Basement, West Bldg. / Call Number: Thesis1995 .R67. Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 34-06, page: 2228. Adviser: Heather Maclvor. Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1995.

This research note uses a new and comprehensive data set of 22,333 municipal elected positions in 3,363 municipalities across Canada to provide a systematic analysis of women's presence in municipal office. Drawing on findings from cross-national research about women's representation in local governments, we examine whether district type, council size, urban setting, women's workforce participation, and degree of conservatism among voters account for variation in the proportion of women elected as councillors and mayors. We find support for most, but not all, of the relevant factors in previous studies. Urban municipalities and municipalities with at-large and hybrid elections are associated with larger proportions of women mayors and councillors. Ideology also matters: the proportion of women in municipal office is smaller in conservative municipalities. Finally, we find no evidence that council size or women's labor force participation is related to women's representation among mayors or councillors.

This paper studies whether the degree of women's representation in Swedish local councils affects local public expenditure patterns. To empirically address this question, I first analyze the differences in preferences between men and women expressed by elected local council representatives using survey data. This enables me to make precise predictions about the effects of women's representation on spending. The subsequent panel study on the composition of public spending supports the predictions that increased representation of women in the local council increases spending on childcare and education relative to elderly care. [Copyright Elsevier B.V.]

This paper studies whether the degree of women's representation in Swedish local councils affects local public expenditure patterns. Theoretically, the individual preferences of elected representatives may have an impact on public expenditure if full policy commitment is not feasible. To empirically address the question, I first analyze the preferences expressed by elected local council representatives using survey data. This permits me to make precise predictions about the effects of women's representation on spending. The subsequent panel study on the composition of public spending in Swedish municipalities supports the predictions derived from the survey.

Increasing globalization and growing importance of the European Union has facilitated an important discussion about who makes policy decisions within the EU, specifically within the European Parliament. This thesis aims to discuss women's representation within the EP at the committee level. By compiling a database of MEPs from 1st July 2014 to 18th January 2017, it looks into the question of whether or not committees are gendered. It argues that committees have gendered patterns, with women disproportionately focused within certain committees, that left parties have less gender discrepancies than right parties, and less women have committee leadership positions compared to men. A focused comparison of two committee chairs, Cecilia Wikström from Sweden and Jean Arthuis from France, addresses the argument that women govern differently than men within committees. Applying this research, it becomes evident that committees are gendered with more women on "less prestigious" committees. While it is unclear the effect of parties and differences in legislators between genders, it is proved that committee leadership during this time is almost equally distributed between male and female MEPs.

Australian rural women are largely invisible in public areas of influence. This paper presents findings of research into Australian rural women 's public profile in powerful agricultural organisations. Using a survey of Chairs of influential Boards and follow up interviews, as well as a survey of women in influential positions it shows that the Australian agricultural agenda is largely framed around a masculinist position and that women remain shadowy presences of outraged silence. Few men in powerful positions express disquiet about the current situation, with most arguing that appointments are based on merit. This paper exposes the fallacy of such a position noting that merit‐based appointment is impossible under current selection processes. Disturbingly women who have gained access to positions of influence report overt and covert harassment from male colleagues. The paper concludes that changes to organisational culture are essential if women are to gain access to positions of influence.